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Libertarians, Billionaires, Disruptors — The End of the State
Libertäre, Milliardäre, Disrupteure — das Ende der Staatlichkeit
Last Updated: 2026-06-03 00:14:27
Abstract
Already 16 years ago, Peter Thiel said: “I no longer believe that freedom and democracy are compatible.” (Cato Unbound, April 2009)One might dismiss this sentence as the seemingly simple anti-democratic statement of a lone entrepreneur. Yet it appears to conceal a political programme, which this seminar will examine from both a historical and a philosophical perspective.
Objective
Understanding of theories of elites from historical and philosophical perspectives; development of the ability to apply this understanding to the interpretation of contemporary historical processes.
Content
Already 16 years ago, Peter Thiel said: “I no longer believe that freedom and democracy are compatible.” (Cato Unbound, April 2009) One might dismiss this sentence as the seemingly simple anti‑democratic statement of an isolated entrepreneur. Yet it appears to point to a political programme which, first, he does not advocate alone; second, whose aims go beyond questioning democracy to challenging the very statehood of society as such; and third, whose implementation has, by now, already begun in the United States. Every state would seem to depend on at least three things: (a) the articulation of social relations within a public sphere, (b) professional expertise to advise decision‑makers, and (c) broadly shared moral assumptions to guide the sequence of governmental decisions. A new techno‑economic elite appears intent on privatising — and thereby monetising or even eliminating — all of these: (i) the destruction of state‑guaranteed media, replaced by the privatisation of public channels of communication, perhaps even the erasure of the distinction between private and public communication; (ii) the dismantling of state‑supported research and education, to be replaced by private institutions; (iii) the demoralisation of politics, transforming it into a spectacle of enrichment and entertainment. The realisation of these designs ultimately leads to the obsolescence of the state or its reduction to a mere “rump state.” Thiel and his supporters may wish not only to dismantle democracy but to weaken and eventually abolish the state itself. As a substitute for democratically legitimised state power, entrepreneurial success, futuristic visions, high intelligence, arrogance, and “leadership qualities” are to be deployed in order to keep the governed “on board.” The transformation now looming is not the first fundamental upheaval in the social and political life of the West. In Europe, over the centuries, different groups have occupied the position of state elites: military officers and landowners, ecclesiastical dignitaries, citizens as representatives of “reason,” as well as scholars, jurists, and technocrats — and, since the Industrial Revolution of the 19th century, increasingly representatives of business. The changing of elites has always been both a symptom and a driver of cultural transformation. Different social groups and their elites cultivate distinct habits and adhere to different systems of values: In the military, the capacity and willingness to use force in pursuit of interests play a role; courage and endurance are valued as virtues. For the clergy, piety and learning in the sacred scriptures are central; charity and humility are esteemed as virtuous. Enlightened citizens and scientists are able to hold their own in argumentative debate and adhere to empirically established facts; they uphold virtues such as intelligence and objectivity. Entrepreneurs prize decisiveness and willingness to take risks. Elon Musk, currently the most prominent figure in this group, recently described empathy — a virtue the Christian clergy once elevated as charity — as the greatest weakness of Western civilisation. Shifts in the composition of the elites have always been accompanied by new conceptions of the state: from the state as bearer of the monopoly on violence, to the guardian of divine order among humankind, to a rational regulator of justice and welfare. The new Californian economic and tech elite, which seeks proximity to the power of the current U.S. president, appears, however, to regard the state primarily as an impediment to entrepreneurship.
General Information
- Language
- German
- Levels
- DS , MSC
Examination
- Type
- graded semester performance
Course Components
| Type | Title | Time & Place | Hours |
|---|---|---|---|
| seminar | Libertäre, Milliardäre, Disrupteure — das Ende der Staatlichkeit |
|
2 h weekly |
Offered In
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Science in Perspective (In “Science in Perspective”-courses students learn to reflect on ETH’s STEM subjects from the perspective of humanities, political and social sciences. Only the courses listed below will be recognized as "Science in Perspective" courses.)
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Type A: Enhancement of Reflection Competence (SiP courses are recommended for bachelor students after their first-year examination and for all master- or doctoral students. All SiP courses are listed in Type A. Courses listed under Type B are only recommendations for enrollment for specific departments.)
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